Some of Thomas Sankara’s Famous Quotes

Thomas Sankara
Thomas Sankara a Ouagadougou

15 October 1987 was the day Africa lost one of his greatest sons: Thomas Sankara.  Words cannot express the loss we’ve felt, and the loss Africa and the world suffered on that day.  I would like to share with you some of Thomas Sankara’s famous declarations.

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« Une jeunesse mobilisée est dangereuse, une jeunesse mobilisée est une puissance qui effraye même les bombes atomiques. Il y en a qui possède les bombes atomiques et qui ont des problèmes avec d’autres peuples qui, eux, ne possèdent pas la bombe atomique, mais pourquoi ils n’osent pas l’utiliser ? Parce qu’ils savent très bien, parce qu’ils savent très bien, que dans ces peuples que osent les attaquer, ils trouvent une jeunesse mobilisée, une jeunesse à mourir [A youth mobilized is dangerous, a youth mobilized is a power which scares even atomic bombs. There are those who own atomic bombs, and who have problems with other nations who do not own the atomic bomb, but why don’t they dare using it? Because they know very well, that in these people who they want to attack, they find a mobilized youth, a youth ready to die.] 14 mai 1983 s’adressant aux jeunes de Bobo Dioulasso

« Nos ancêtres en Afrique avaient engagé une certaine forme de développement. Nous ne voulons pas qu’on assassine ces grands savants africains. » [Our ancestors in Africa were actively committed to a certain form of development. We do not want these great African wisemen to be assassinated.] 2 octobre 1984 à Harlem

Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso

« Il faut que l’école nouvelle et l’enseignement nouveau concourent à la naissance de patriotes et non d’apatrides. Mettre un enfant à l’école doit cesser d’être perçu comme un simple placement comptable, si tant est vrai que la transformation continue des sociétés qui incombe aux générations successives comporte des éléments quantifiables et non quantifiables. »  [We need the new school and the new teaching concur with the birth of patriots and not stateless people. Putting a child in school should stop being conceived as a simple accounting investment, if indeed the ongoing transformation of societies which fall on successive generations has quantifiable elements and non-quantifiable.] 17 octobre 1986 Appel de Gaoua sur la qualité de l’enseignement.

« Il n’y a pas de révolution sociale véritable que lorsque la femme est libérée. Que jamais mes yeux ne voient une société où la moitié du peuple est maintenue dans le silence. J’entends le vacarme de ce silence des femmes, je pressens le grondement de leur bourrasque, je sens la furie de leur révolte. J’attends et espère l’irruption féconde de la révolution dont elles traduiront la force et la rigoureuse justesse sorties de leurs entrailles d’opprimées. » [There are no true social revolution until the woman is liberated. May my eyes never see a society where half of the people is maintained under silence. I hear the racket of this silence of women, I suspect the roar of their storm, I feel the fury of their revolt. I wait and hope for the fertile irruption of the revolution for which they will translate the force and rigorous righteousness coming from their oppressed bowels.] 8 mars 1987, Ouagadougou

« La Révolution démocratique et populaire a besoin d’un peuple de convaincus et non d’un peuple de vaincus, d’un peuple de convaincus et non d’un peuple de soumis qui subissent leur destin. »  [The people’s democratic revolution needs a people that is confident and not defeated, a people of conviction and not a subjected people who suffer their fate.] 4 août 1987

African Venus, a sculpture by Charles-Henri Joseph Cordier 1851 (Source: Walters Art Museum)
African Venus, a sculpture by Charles-Henri Joseph Cordier 1851 (Source: Walters Art Museum)

«Je parle au nom des femmes du monde entier, qui souffrent d’un système d’exploitation imposé par les mâles. Pour ce qui nous concerne, nous sommes prêts à accueillir toutes les suggestions du monde entier, nous permettant de parvenir à l’épanouissement total de la femme burkinabè. En retour, nous donnons en partage à tous les pays, l’expérience positive que nous entreprenons avec des femmes désormais présentes à tous les échelons de l’appareil de l’État et de la vie sociale au Burkina Faso. Des femmes qui luttent et proclament avec nous, que l’esclave qui n’est pas capable d’assumer sa révolte ne mérite pas que l’on s’apitoie sur son sort. Cet esclave répondra seul de son malheur s’il se fait des illusions sur la condescendance suspecte d’un maître qui prétend l’affranchir. Seule la lutte libère et nous en appelons à toutes nos sœurs de toutes les races pour qu’elles montent à l’assaut pour la conquête de leurs droits. » [I speak on behalf of women from around the world, who suffer from an exploitation system imposed by the males. As far as we are concerned, we are ready to welcome all the suggestions from around the world, which will enable us to achieve the full development of the Burkinabe woman. In return, we will share with all the countries, the positive experience that we start with women now present at all levels of the state and the social life of Burkina Faso. Women who fight and proclaim with us, that the slave who is not capable of assuming his rebellion does not deserve that we feel sorry for himself. This slave will respond only to his misfortune if he is deluding himself about the suspect condescension of a master who claims to free him. Only fighting liberates and we call on all our sisters of all races so that they rise up to conquer their rights.] Discours de Sankara à l’ONU le 4 octobre 1984 (texte intégral)

Y’en a Marre and The New Type of Senegalese: Be the Change You Want to See

The group "Y'en a Marre" with their shirts "Faux pas Force"
The group “Y’en a Marre” with their shirts “Faux pas Force”

Today, I would like to talk about the “Y’en a Marre” (“Fed Up“), a Senegalese group which influenced change in the presidential election of 2012 in Senegal, by forcing President  Abdoulaye Wade (and his son, Karim Wade) out of office. Y’en a Marre decided to stop complaining and to start acting, to make the changes they wanted implemented. It is a group of Senegalese rappers and journalists, created in January 2011, to protest ineffective government and register youth to vote. They are credited with helping to mobilize Senegal’s youth vote and oust incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade, though the group claims no affiliation with Macky Sall, Senegal’s current president, or with any political party.

Map of Senegal
Map of Senegal

The group was founded by rappers Fou Malade (“Crazy Sick Guy“, real name: Malal Talla), Thiat (“Junior“, real name: Cheikh Oumar Cyrille Touré), Kilifeu (both from celebrated rap crew “Keur Gui of Kaolack“) and journalists Sheikh Fadel Barro, Aliou Sane and Denise Sow. The movement was originally started in reaction to Dakar‘s frequent power cuts, but the group quickly concluded that they were “fed up” with an array of problems in Senegalese society.  “One day, there was 20 hours of cuts,” said Fadel Barro, whose dimly lit apartment served as the place where the movement took shape. “I said: ‘Guys, everyone knows you. But you’re not doing anything to change the country.’ ”[from NYT interview – see link below]. Those words energized the musicians.

Flag of Senegal
Flag of Senegal

Their goal was to incite Senegalese to vote, to renew the political personnel, to fight against corruption and to promote a sense of civic responsibility.  Their most famous quote is: « L’heure n’est plus aux lamentations de salon et aux complaintes fatalistes face aux coupures d’électricité. Nous refusons le rationnement systématique imposé à nos foyers dans l’alimentation en électricité. La coupe est pleine. » [The hour is no longer to ballroom lamentations and fatalistic complaints in the face of power cuts. We refuse the systematic rationing imposed on our homes in the power supply. Our cup is full to the rim.]

Through recordings, rallies and a network of regional affiliates, called “the spirit of Y’en a Marre“, the group advocates for youth to embrace a new type of thinking and living termed “The New Type of Senegalese” or NTS. In late 2011, the collective released a compilation titled “Y’en A Marre“, from which the single “Faux! Pas Forcé” (“Don’t force it”) emerged as a rallying cry for youth frustrated with President Wade and his son and presumed successor. They followed with a single, “Doggali” (“Let’s finish”), which advocated for cleansing the country of Wade and son.

"Y'en a Marre" at a public demonstration in 2012
“Y’en a Marre” at a public demonstration in 2012

From April to August 2011, the group and their members campaigned door to door to register young Senegalese to vote at the Presidential election of 2012, and they claimed more than 300,000 voters registered.   During 2011, they organized manifestations, called “foires aux problèmes” (“problem fairs”), and sit-ins in Dakar’s Obelisk Square.  On 15 February 2012, these manifestations were prohibited by Wade’s government, leading to 3 members of Y’en a Marre’s arrest on the 16th. This did not stop the group which continued manifesting until the election of Macky Sall as President. Today, even though Macky Sall has been elected president, Y’en a Marre remains active, hosting meetings, and shows, urging the new government to implement all the promised reforms.

So we can all choose to be the change we want to see, stop complaining, and start acting like Y’en a Marre. If there is anything wrong bothering you in your community, it is possible to work at it, to act upon it, and change it the way you want it to be. Our countries all need it, our continent needs it. Read the article the New York Times did on Y’en a Marre, as well as the UNRIC, and the article on NPR. So let’s us be “fed up” like the Y’en a Marre, and let us act and be the change we want to see.

Gungunyane’s Kingdom before and after Migration

The Gaza empire after migration in 1889
The Gaza empire after migration in 1889 (Source: Les Africains, Vol 3, P. 181, C. Julien, Ed. J.A., 1977)
The Gaza empire at its heights around 1860s
The Gaza empire at its heights around 1860s

Following up on Gungunyane, the Lion of Gaza, I propose here maps of his kingdom before and after the migration.  I found a map of Gungunyane‘s kingdom, the Gaza empire, after migration from Mount Selinda, in ‘Les Africains,’ Vol. 3, P. 181, C. Julien, Editions J.A., 1977.  I also made an approximative map of what would have been the Gaza empire at its heights in 1860s, before migration, using the well-known boundaries of the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers, and Mount Selinda (in modern day Zimbabwe) as well as the city of Mossurize in Mozambique.  Enjoy!

Gungunyane: the Lion of Gaza or the Last African King of Mozambique

Gungunyane, the Lion of Gaza
Gungunyane, the Lion of Gaza

Today, we will talk about one of the greatest chief in Mozambique‘s modern history: the Shangaan king Gungunyane, of the Gaza Empire.  He governed a region which encompassed parts of eastern Rhodesia (in modern day Zimbabwe), and southern Mozambique.  He was known as the Lion of Gaza.

So who was Gungunyane?  Born Mdungazwe (which means ‘one who confuses the people’ in Zulu) around 1850, he will change his name from Mdungazwe to Gungunyane upon his ascension to the throne in 1884. Gungunyane was born on the Gaza territory, which extended from the rivers Zambezi and Incomati, to the Limpopo river, and would go all the way into modern-day Zimbabwe.  He was the son of Mzila, who reigned from 1861 to 1884.  He was also the grandson of Soshangane, the founder of the Nguni or Gaza empire, after his defeat at the hands of Shaka Zulu in 1820 in Zululand during the Battle of Mhlatuze river.  In its initial stages, the Gaza empire expanded over 56,000 km2 (22,000 sq mi) of land, with its capital being Chaimite.  At the death of his father Mzila, Gungunyane ascended the throne after a fratricidal battle with his other brothers.

Picture of a Vatua-Shangaan warrior, taken at the end of the 19th century (Source: 'Les Africains', Vol.3, P.182, Ed. J.A. 1977)
Picture of a Vatua-Shangaan warrior, taken at the end of the 19th century (Source: ‘Les Africains’, Vol.3, P.182, Ed. J.A. 1977)

At his ascension, the Portuguese sent him emissaries in 1885 who tried to have him sign treaties to recognize Portugal’s sovereignty in the region promising: to give his territory to no other than Portugal, to allow that a Portuguese agent reside with him as advisor, to have Portugal’s colors raised over his kraals, to allow Portuguese subjects to circulate freely in his territory, to allow only Portuguese to exploit his mines, to allow the establishment of schools and churches, etc.  For which Gungunyane would retain full jurisdiction over the Gaza territory with the right to administer it, and to raise taxes.  This was unacceptable to Gungunyane who refused to sign.

The southern region of Mozambique was a penetration road for the Portuguese who had been arming vassals of the Shangaan.  Thus in 1888, Gungunyane and his advisors decided to move their kraals from the Rhodesian plateau to the shores of the Limpopo river. This decision will end up costing them a lot, as 40,000 to 100,000 people made the move.  Several fractions left in april 1889, while the king himself moved from Mount Selinda on 15 June 1889.  This decision was motivated by the desire of Gungunyane to settle an old score with chief Speranhana (who was armed by the Portuguese) of the Chopi people from between the Limpopo and Inharrime, and the need to recover his father’s land in the region of Bilene.  In 1889, the Lion of Gaza invaded the Chopi territory, and installed a kraal in Manjacaze.  However, the battle against the Chopi will last until the end of his reign, and will greatly weaken the Shangaan.

Throughout his reign, Gungunyane never signed any treaties, because he never trusted neither the Portuguese nor the translator (even if the translator was his own son).  He was a skilled negotiator, and would always try to settle everything diplomatically.  He played well the British and Portuguese interests in the region… this might have been his downfall in the end.

In 1890, Gungunyane prohibited the sale of alcohol by Portuguese merchants on Gaza territory.  In 1891, the Portuguese adopted a decree to ban the sale of alcohol on Gazaland, and agreed to work with Gungunyane to implement this… but as we all know the Portuguese never stopped selling alcohol in the region (this seems like a century old practice from Europeans selling cheap alcohol in Africa, and turning Africans into drunkards).

Picture of captured Gungunyane on board the ship 'Africa' from the Diario Ilustrado - 15 March 1896
Picture of captured Gungunyane on board the ship ‘Africa’ from the Diario Ilustrado – 15 March 1896

The Portuguese never stopped trying to control Gungunyane who never stopped wanting more independence (it was his land after all).  They kept enforcing treaties.  In 1893, the conflict in Matabeleland between the British and Lobengula forced several Ndebele to seek refuge in the Gaza territory (one of Gungunyane’s sister was married to Lobengula) creating confusion.  In 1894, the Portuguese used a succession quarrel between Ronga chiefs to attack Gungunyane.  No proof was found of Gungunyane’s involvement into the hostilities.  On 22 August 1894, war started, when the Ronga troops defeated the Afro-Portuguese troops with Ronga chiefs Mahazul and Matibejana of Zixaxa attacking Lourenço Marques.  However, the Ronga chiefs were defeated by the Portuguese during the battle of Marracuene on 2 February 1895.  The Ronga chiefs thus sought refuge into Gungunyane’s kingdom.  Gungunyane kept negotiating, but now the sine qua non condition to any negotiation was the surrender of the Ronga chiefs, with other clauses such as the full control of his territory by the Portuguese, the installation of military bases, the payment

Picture of Gungunyane's children on board the ship 'Africa'- from the Diario Ilustrado -15 March 1896
Picture of Gungunyane’s children on board the ship ‘Africa’- from the Diario Ilustrado -15 March 1896

of an annual tax of 10,000 pounds, etc.  For the Lion of Gaza, this meant the end of his independence.  Negotiations were still ongoing, but by September, the Portuguese had invaded the territory of Cossine which was an integral part of the Gaza kingdom.  On 7 November 1895, on lake Coolela, not far from Manjacaze, the Portuguese crushed 8 Shangaan regiments.  Coolela became the Waterloo of Gungunyane.  The Lion gathered his treasures and took off.  For almost a month, Portuguese kept looking for him thinking that he had sought refuge in Transvaal.  However, Gungunyane had sought refuge in Chaimite, the sacred village of the Shangaan people.  While many of his dignitaries, and sons managed to escape into the Transvaal, the Lion never left Chaimite, and on 28 December 1895, he was captured there by Mousinho de Albuquerque, the Portuguese military governor of Gaza.  Gungunyane was first sent to Lisbon, and then later to the island of Terceira on the Portuguese Azores, with his son Godide, some of his wives, and dignitaries. He will die there on 23 December 1906.

In exile in Acores, from l to r: Zixaxa, Molungo, Godide, and Gungunyane
In exile in Acores, from l to r (top): Zixaxa, Molungo, Godide, and Gungunyane
Gungunyane and his wives in exile in Acores
Gungunyane and his wives in exile in Acores

Under Gungunyane, the Shangaan empire grew more powerful compared to his father’s years.  The Shangaan system expanded at a time when Mozambique was at the center of European greed and attacks.  Portuguese who had arrived in the area in 1891, were amazed by Gungunyane’s power, and wrote that the Gaza empire was “the biggest empire that the negro race had created in oriental Africa.”  Many were quite skeptical when they learnt of the Lion of Gaza’s defeat.  A contemporary Portuguese wrote in 1910 that: “the king of the Vatua [Shangaan] empire was a fine diplomat who, knowing that we did not have the military strength to counter his power, managed to turn us [the Portuguese] into docile vassals.” To learn more, check out the book ‘Les Africains, Vol. 3, C. Julien, editions J.A. 1977’, as well as VidasLusoFonas, and the book Gungunhana no seu Reino by Maria da Conceicao Vilhena.

Commemorating Agostinho Neto’s life – Angola’s National Heroes Day

Flag of Angola
Flag of Angola

Today is Angola’s National Heroes’ Day commemorating Angolan heroes, and is a celebration of the life of one of their heroes, President Agostinho Neto who was born on this special day.  To mark this day, and to celebrate in style, I propose yet another poem from Angola’s greatest poet, President Neto himself.  Enjoy! (I translated from Portuguese to English so it might not be the greatest… if you have a better translation, feel free to share).

Noite by Agostinho Neto – Translation by Dr. Y., Afrolegends.com

Noite                                  

Eu vivo
nos bairros escuros do mundo
sem luz nem vida. 

Vou pelas ruas
às apalpadelas
encostado aos meus informes sonhos
tropeçando na escravidão
ao meu desejo de ser.

São bairros de escravos
mundos de miséria
bairros escuros.

Onde as vontades se diluíram
e os homens se confundiram
com as coisas.

Ando aos trambolhões
pelas ruas sem luz
desconhecidas
pejadas de mística e terror
de braço dado com fantasmas.

Também a noite é escura.

Night                                                                     

I live                                                                     in the dark quarters of the world                     without light and life.   

I fumbled through the  streets                                                          leaning on my dreams                                  stumbling on slavery                                                                 to my desire to be.

Slave quarters                                                worlds of misery                                                dark quarters.

Where the wills were diluted                                   and the men were confused                                   with things.

I walk in unknown streets                                                         without tripping                                                                 Streets soaked in with mystical light                    and the terror arm of ghosts.

The night is also dark.

The Principal Reasons why Osende Afana was defeated

Castor Osende Afana
Castor Osende Afana

Castor Osendé Afana‘s maquis suffered a major defeat, and a final blow with the murder and decapitation of its leader on 15 March 1966.  Here are some of the principal reasons of the defeat of the Boumba-Ngoko maquis in the south east corner of Cameroon.  These reasons had been identified by Osendé Afana himself before his death, and by his some of his followers later on.

1 – The Boumba-Ngoko region (or Moloundou region) had not been exposed to any revolutionary movement, or any influx of political ideas about the liberation of Cameroon since the end of the second world war, like the populations of the West, Littoral, Center or Southern provinces.  The populations there being mostly Bakas pygmies and poor Bantous peasants and illiterate had almost never led major economic or political struggles against the exploitation and domination of the colonial and neocolonial forces.  Their political awareness was quite low, and they had very little experience fighting.

2 – The region was sparsely populated, which forced the guerilleros, who were supposed to move around the people as fish in the sea, to fight practically in the open against a very powerful enemy.

Map of Cameroon from 1919 to 1960, including both Cameroons (French in Blue, and British in red)
Map of Cameroon from 1919 to 1960, including both Cameroons (French in Blue, and British in red)

3 – The low number in Afana’s group which kept decreasing due to several desertions.  It was also very difficult to recruit among the local people.

4 – No members of the initial group were originally from that region, and thus had little knowledge of the field, the language, and customs of the local populations.

5 – The maquis’ entrance from Congo-Brazzaville had happened without much discretion, and all their subsequent movements in the region did not go unnoticed.  This made it easy for the colonial forces to trace them.

6 – No prior ground study had been done.

7 – The government of Congo, while giving their support to Afana, were opposed to any military action on their borders.

8 – Several tactical differences persisted within the group, with Osendé Afana, being more political and anxious of respecting the Congolese wishes, and with Fosso Francois, who was more military-centered.

9 – No prior contact/communication had been established with the Western maquis led by Ernest Ouandié.  This could have ensure some help.

10 – An incorrect assessment of the colonial forces, their tactics, their capacity of enrolment, and the political activity of the masses on the national scale.

11 – Lastly, too big a reliance on external help.

For more information, visit afrohistorama.com to learn more about these critical events in the history of Cameroon.

Castor Osendé Afana: A Cameroonian National Hero

Castor Osende Afana
Castor Osende Afana

Brilliant economist, Castor Osendé Afana is considered a national hero in Cameroon, however he is not as well-known as Ruben Um Nyobé, or Felix-Roland Moumié, or even his alter ego on the western front of Cameroon, Ernest Ouandié.  Like those three, he was also assassinated, and paid with his life for his passion for the freedom of Cameroon, and Africa from colonialism.  So who was Castor Osendé Afana?

Well, Castor Osendé Afana was born in 1930 in Ngoksa near Sa’a, in the Centre Region of Cameroon.  In 1948 he was admitted to the seminary at Mvolyé, in Yaoundé, where he became a strong friend of Albert Ndongmo, the future Bishop of Nkongsamba.  He was excluded from the seminary in 1950 because of his critical and rebellious character.  It is as a ‘candidat libre’ that he successfully passed the first part of the Baccalauréat.  He then started in philosophy at the Lycée Leclerc where he headed student manifestations demonstrating against the poor food service there.  He nonetheless went on to successfully pass the 2nd part of the baccalauréat in 1952.

Later, Osendé Afana obtained a full scholarship to study Economics in Toulouse, France.  By 1956, he was a vice-president of the Black African Students Federation in France (Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire en France – FEANF), and was managing director of the FEANF organ L’Etudiant d’Afrique noire.   As a UPC militant he ensured that the issues of Cameroon were well-covered in the magazine.  In 1958, Osendé Afana was named General Treasurer of FEANF, as well as being responsible for the UPC in France.

UPC Leaders (L. to R.) front row: Castor Osende Afana, Abel Kingué, Ruben Um Nyobé, Felix Moumié, and Ernest Ouandié
UPC Leaders (L. to R.) front row: Castor Osende Afana, Abel Kingué, Ruben Um Nyobé, Felix Moumié, and Ernest Ouandié

After the French government dissolved the UPC by decree on 13 July 1955,  most of the UPC leaders moved to Kumba in the British-administered Southern Cameroons to avoid being jailed by the colonial power.  In July 1957, under pressure from the French, the British authorities in western Cameroon deported the leaders of the UPC to Khartoum, Sudan.  They moved in turn to Cairo, Egypt, to Conakry, Guinea and finally to Accra, Ghana, where they were hosted by President Nkrumah.  In 1958, after Ruben Um Nyobé’s death, Osendé Afana decided to abandon his thesis and rejoin the leadership of the UPC, proposing himself as a candidate for the new Secretary General.  Nyobé’s successor, Félix-Roland Moumié, told him “There is no longer a Secretary General.  There was one, he is dead, that is it.”  However, Osendé Afana was designated UPC representative at the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference in Cairo in December 1957 – January 1958.  After Cameroon’s independence in 1960, the UPC continued to fight the government of President Ahmadou Ahidjo whom they considered a puppet of the French colonial power. Continue reading “Castor Osendé Afana: A Cameroonian National Hero”

Gerard Sekoto: the Father of Urban Black Painting

Gerard Sekoto (Source: Africansuccess.org)
Gerard Sekoto (Source: Africansuccess.org)

Today, I will be talking about the late South African painter Gerard Sekoto.  Gerard Sekoto is known today as the father of urban black art and social realism.  Born in 1913, Gerard Sekoto grew up in South Africa at a time of apartheid.  His entire art has been influenced by his life experience.  He held exhibition in Johannesburg and Cape Town.  His painting was actually the first painting by a Black artist to be exposed at the Johannesburg Art Gallery.  He was a big fan of oil painting.

Gerard Sekoto's depiction of Steve Biko's death
Gerard Sekoto’s depiction of Steve Biko’s death

In 1947, he exiled himself to Paris.  His first two years were quite depressing and hard; they actually had nothing to do with painting.  He played in French nightclubs as a pianist, and composed over 25 songs whose main themes were the loneliness of exile, and the courage of an immigrant trying to survive in a foreign country.  Quite a global theme these days, in this global world!

In 1966, he visited Senegal, and was actually a guest of President Léopold Sédar Senghor.  He visited Dakar for a year, and this visit reignited his passion for painting.  Armed with his brushes, he fully immersed himself into the ‘Dakarois’ environment, and once again started painting African scenes.

Prisoners laboring hard in South Africa - by Gerard Sekoto
Prisoners laboring hard in South Africa – by Gerard Sekoto

In the 1970s, he started expressing his opposition to the apartheid system back in his homeland, and started painting about it.  One of his famous paintings is poignant depiction of Steve Biko‘s death, with Biko’s tearful mother at the center of the painting, Biko to the right of her, and a white policeman to the left.  It is very sorrowful and vivid depiction… and to think of Biko’s mother! Most often, people paint the victim, and forget those they’ve left behind.

Sekoto never had a chance to return to South Africa, not even for his mother’s funeral. He ended his days in a retirement home for artists on the outskirts of Paris in 1993.

Please check out the website of the Gerard Sekoto Foundation, the Gerard Sekoto Webpages, and this photo-journal by the BBC.  Don’t forget to read about how Sekoto used to capture his subjects on AfricanColours.com.

May 3rd: World Press Day – Norbert Zongo

Norbert Zongo
Norbert Zongo

May 3rd marks the World Press Freedom Day, or simply World Press Day.  This day is to raise awareness of the importance of the freedom of the press and remind governments across the world to respect the right to freedom of expression.  Today I would like to commemorate the life of an African journalist hailing from Burkina Faso, Norbert Zongo, who just like the great Cameroonian journalist Pius Njawe, stood for justice and fought injustice.

Norbert Zongo was the publisher and editor of Burkina Faso newspaper L’Independant.  On 13 December 1998, Norbert Zongo was assassinated after his newspaper investigated the murder of a driver (David Ouédraogo) who had worked for the brother of the president Blaise Compaoré, François Compaoré.  Zongo’s burned body was found along with the bodies of three other people: his brother Ernest Zongo, his chauffeur Ablasse Nikiema, and Blaise Ilboudo, in a vehicle near Sapouy, 100 km from the capital Ouagadougou.  An investigation showed that Zongo was killed for political reasons.  His murder rocked Burkina Faso, and manifestations arose within the country, and neighboring countries.  The most violent manifestations took place in the city of Koudougou, Zongo’s birthplace, and government supporters organized a militia armed with clubs engaged to hunt protesters in many cities of the country.

Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso

Bowing to popular discontent, President Blaise Compaoré, had to open a judicial investigation where his brother was charged for murder and harboring the body of the victim in connection with the death of David Ouédraogo who died of torture.  The charges were later dropped by a military tribunal.  In August 2000, five members of the presidential guard were charged for the murder of Ouédraogo, were convicted and sentenced to lengthy prison terms, but all were later freed.  In seven years of trial, one suspect, a member of the presidential guard was charged, but the accusing witness later recanted.  The Zongo trial ended in July of 2006 with a non-place which caused an international outcry.

Norbert Zongo is also the writer of the book, The Parachute Drop (Le Parachutage), which was translated to English and published in 2004.  Many of his articles can be found in the review Mobutuization of Burkina Faso.

Today, Norbert Zongo is celebrated as a martyr, one who stood for truth, in a country where not many dared to talk.  This is why he should be the man of the day, for a day like World Press Day: He dared to talk, he expressed the truth to enlighten others, and sought justice for another man.  In 2003, a documentary was made to talk about his murder: Borry Bana, the fatal destiny of Norbert Zongo.  In 2012, a memorial was erected at the Highway N6 (Ouagadougou – Léo) near Sapouy, exactly where Zongo was murdered.  Please watch this video of Norbert Zongo talking to African youths.  His message is that of maintaining intrinsic values of principle, of growth, of conscience.

Chinua Achebe in His Own Words

Chinua Achebe
Chinua Achebe

Africa just lost a giant… the world just lost a literary genius.  Chinua Achebe was made of the cloth of kings.  He was the emperor of words and just made reality seems so funny.  He wrote in English, but yet made it his own; he made it African.  Please hear the maestro in his own words.

Age was respected among his people, but achievement was revered.  As the elders said, if a child washed his hands he could eat with kings.”  – Things Fall Apart.

The white man is very clever.  He came quietly and peaceably with his religion.  We were amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay. Now he has won our  brothers, and our clan can no longer act like one.  He has put a knife on the  things that held us together and we have fallen apart,” –  Things fall Apart.

Achebe was a man of character, who could not be corrupted by honors.  He twice turned down the offer of a title Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic, once in 2004 from Nigeria’s then President Olusegun Obasanjo and again in 2011 from President Goodluck Jonathan. He explained on the BBC: “What’s the good of being a democracy if people are hungry and despondent and the infrastructure is not there,” … “There is no security of life. Parts of the country are alienated. Religious conflicts spring up now and again. The country is not working.” Declining the honor, he wrote that “for some time now I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay.  I have watched particularly the chaos in my own state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom.  I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the presidency …  Nigeria’s condition today under your watch is, however, too dangerous for silence.  I must register my disappointment and protest by declining to accept the high honour awarded me in the 2004 honours list.”

'Things Fall Apart' by Chinua Achebe
‘Things Fall Apart’ by Chinua Achebe

He wrote: “You see we, the little people of the world, are ever expendable.”

It is sometimes good to be brave and courageous, but sometimes it is better to be a coward.  We often stand in the compound of the fool and point at the ruins where a brave man used to live.  He who has never submitted to anything will one day submit to his burial mat.” – Things fall apart.

While we do our good works let us not forget that the real solution lies in a world in which charity will have become unnecessary.”  – Anthills of the Savannah.

To me, being an intellectual doesn’t mean knowing about intellectual issues; it means taking pleasure in them.”

Nobody can teach me who I am. You can describe parts of me, but who I am – and what I need – is something I have to find out myself.”

One of the truest tests of integrity is its blunt refusal to be compromised. ”

We cannot trample upon the humanity of others without devaluing our own. The Igbo, always practical, put it concretely in their proverb Onye ji onye n’ani ji onwe ya: “He who will hold another down in the mud must stay in the mud to keep him down.”  – The Education of a British-Protected Child: Essays.

'A Man of the People' by Chinua Achebe
‘A Man of the People’ by Chinua Achebe

‘It’s true that a child belongs to its father.  But when a father beats his child, it seeks sympathy in its mother’s hut.  A man belongs to his fatherland when things are good and life is sweet.  But when there is sorrow and bitterness he finds refuge in his motherland.  Your mother is there to protect you.  She is buried there.  And that is why we say that mother is supreme.” – Things fall Apart.

Unfortunately, oppression does not automatically produce only meaningful struggle.  It has the ability to call into being a wide range of responses between partial acceptance and violent rebellion.  In between you can have, for instance, a vague, unfocused dissatisfaction; or, worst of all, savage infighting among the oppressed, a fierce love-hate entanglement with one another like crabs inside the fisherman’s bucket, which ensures that no crab gets away.  This is a serious issue for African-American deliberation…. To answer oppression with appropriate resistance requires knowledge of two kinds: in the first place, self-knowledge by the victim, which means awareness that oppression exists, an awareness that the victim has fallen from a great height of glory or promise into the present depths; secondly, the victim must know who the enemy is.  He must know his oppressor’s real name, not an alias, a pseudonym, or a nom de plume!” The Education of a British-Protected Child: Essays.

Women and music should not be dated.”  – No Longer at Ease

A man who pays respect to the great, paves the way for his own greatness.

'No Longer at Ease' by Chinua Achebe
‘No Longer at Ease’ by Chinua Achebe

I would be quite satisfied if my novels (especially the ones I set in the past) did no more than teach my readers that their past – with all its imperfections – was not one long night of savagery from which the first Europeans acting on God’s behalf delivered them.”

Procrastination is a lazy man’s apology.”  – Anthills of the Savannah

About his gift of writing, he said: “There is that great proverb — that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter. … Once I realized that, I had to be a writer. I had to be that historian.”… “It’s not one man’s job.  It’s not one person’s job.  But it is something we have to do, so that the story of the hunt will also reflect the agony, the travail — the bravery, even, of the lions.”

Tributes are pouring out from all corners of the world.  Truly to have written a book which has been translated in over 50 languages is a great achievement for an African, and for anybody in this world.  To boast over 20 literary works is amazing.  As the Igbo proverb says: ” it is simply impossible for an iroko tree to fall and the forest to remain quiet.” A giant left us today, but his fingerprints will remain forever.

If the nobel prize was made to celebrate excellence, Chinua Achebe, should have certainly gotten it.  Today his work is celebrated in every corner of the world!